Thomas Wentworth
Thomas Wentworth, 1st Earl of Strafford (13 April 1593 (O.S.) – 12 May 1641) was an English statesman and a major figure in the period leading up to the English Civil War. He served in Parliament and was a supporter of King Charles I. From 1632–39 he was Lord Deputy of Ireland. Recalled to England, he became a leading advisor to the king, attempting to strengthen the royal position against Parliament. When Parliament condemned him to death, Charles signed the death warrant and Wentworth was executed.
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Early Life
Strafford becomes a Councillor to Charles 1
His own government was to be, according to the watchword frequently found in his correspondence with Laud, thorough that is to say, founded on a complete disregard of private interests, with a view to the establishment, for the good of the whole community, of the royal power as the embodiment of the state. On 21 June 1636 he made a statement before the council at Westminster setting forth the marvellous improvement of Irish affairs since he had become deputy. He returned to Dublin with a full assurance of the king's favour. Up to this time, so far as we know, Wentworth's opinion had never been asked on affairs outside his own department.
During the Scottish rebellion over the Scottish Prayer Book. He could see that Charles had brought himself to such a pass that if he could be saved at all it could only be by the ruthless employment of despotic power, Go on with a vigorous war, as you first designed loose and absolved from all rules of government; but he failed in this to secure the support of the King. However, within two days it was rumoured that the King thought of using the Irish army against his English subjects, as well as against the Scots. Strafford turned to the three Spanish ambassadors then in England, requesting them to ask the king of Spain to lend £300,000.He was to lead these troops into 'any of the King's dominions, with power to suppress rebellion or commotions within any of the three kingdoms or Wales. The negotiations failed but there was a strong feeling of wrathful indignation against Strafford—'Black Tom Tyrant' as he was called—arose among his English countrymen.
This patent is the best comment on Strafford's declaration, You have an army in Ireland you may employ here to reduce this kingdom. That army never crossed the sea but talk such as this was treasonous. John Pym was the more resolved to call Strafford to account as he had in his possession a copy of the notes taken by Vane of the Earl's language in the committee of eight, and interpreted them to mean that Strafford had proposed an invasion of England by the Irish army. On the 10th Strafford proposed to the King to anticipate the blow by preferring a charge of high treason against those members of either house who had invited the Scots into England Charles's court was, however, full of intriguers who hated Strafford, and the project was soon communicated to the parliamentary leaders. The committee hurriedly set down certain accusations, and by the order of the House Pym at once proceeded to impeach him before the Lords.
At this time Strafford did not see much threat. Either the king would step in or the Lords would halt proceedings. I thank God,he wrote to Ormonde, I see nothing capital in their charge, nor any other thing which I am not able to answer as becomes an honest man.. It was obvious that the object of the House was more political than legal.
It was for Charles to save Strafford, if he could, by convincing the Commons that he had himself abandoned the idea of using force, and that, in any case, Strafford, if his life were saved, would be excluded from the public service. Unhappily no such conduct was to be expected from Charles. Not only did he keep the Irish army on foot, but he continued Strafford in the command of it. On 11 Feb. Sir Walter Earle drew attention to the danger from this army. On the 13th the House petitioned for its disbandment. By taking no notice of this demand Charles markedly increased Strafford's peril.
As the impeachments proceedings continued, Vane was brought forward as a witness that the words advocating the employment of the Irish army to 'reduce this kingdom' had been actually spoken. Strafford urged, in reply, that he had meant to use the Irish army in Scotland. On 7 April fresh charges were brought against him. On the 10th there was a dispute as to Strafford's right to produce fresh evidence in reply to the fresh charges now brought forward by the Commons, and the Lords decided in Strafford's favour.
The king gave Strafford reassurances you shall not suffer in life, honour, or fortune. For a time he played his cards well. He entered into communication with the parliamentary lenders, Bedford, Saye, and Pym, offering to admit them to office, probably on the understanding that some lesser punishment than death was to be inflicted on Strafford.
Later on it is beyond doubt that he and the queen intended to save him by assisting him to escape. Unluckily for Charles and Strafford, some of this plan was certain to leak out and stick of a Catholic conspiracy to subvert the judicial system.
As proceededings dragged on it became more and more apparent that it was Stafford's present, not the past, danger to which the Commons were looking, and the Lords were gradually coming round to the same conclusion. On 1 May Charles tried to stem the tide by assuring the peers that he had resolved that Strafford was unfit to serve him even as a constable. Yet a mob beset the House of Lords, crying for justice on Strafford, and posted up the names of the fifty-nine members of the House of Commons who had voted against the Bill of Attainder as 'Straffordians, betrayers of their country.'
With the Bill of Attainer now passed Newport, who was Constable of the Tower, announced that if the King did not assent to the bill he would have Strafford executed without legal warrant. The mob was again howling outside Whitehall and threatening violence to the Queen and her mother. Before this latter menace Charles gave way, and on 10 May the royal assent was given by commission to the bill. Strafford is said to have been surprised by the news, and to have exclaimed, Put not your trust in princes
Strafford sent a message to Laud, also imprisoned in the Tower, to be at his window as he passed. When he went forth on 12 May 1641, Laud raised his hands in blessing, and then fainted away when his friend passed. Refusing to bind his eyes he, after prayer, spread forth his hands as a sign to the executioner, and the axe ended his life. He was buried at Wentworth-Woodhouse.
Analysis
When reading all the twists and turns leading up to Strafford's execution; death, imprisonment, exile and exoneration were all plausible outcomes. In 1620's and 1630's he strikes one as somewhat as a moderate reformer. He is less a political intriguer and more an efficient administrator. He wrote to Laud in 1637 to say his administration of Ireland was "thorough"; founded on the principle of public good and not private interests. In his earlier time in parliament he had allies rather than friends.
He changed his temperament when he joined the inner circle of Charles and was consulted on issues beyond those in Ireland 1636-7. He became more strident. He commented that Charles could only be saved by ruthless employment of power "loose and absolved from all rules of government" A comment he may have later regretted as he was led to the block.
Outside Parliament, rumours that he might use an Irish army that he declared may employ here to reduce this Kingdom" Sounds like treason although it was said in the context of quelling the Scots and the army never crossed the sea. He also negotiated with the Spanish for loans to fight the rebellions. This may have been pragmatic, but because of is actions he was branded "Black Tom Tyrant" by the populace.
Even inside Charles' circle he had his detractors. Often plans hatched by Strafford were leaked to Parliamentarians before Charles could act. Charles could have sacked Strafford in order save him but kept him in charge of the Irish army and it looks like Pym and his committee hurriedly set up a committee to impeach Strafford before he could move on them. It was more of a political that legal process and that it why the Lords was reluctant to find him guilty. Even Strafford wondered how many minor offences constituted treason and he wrote "thank God, I see nothing in their charge". I court he opening asked how many black rabbits make up a black horse. However Parliament was not trying him for passed misdemeanors but potential future ones
Strafford was a threat because he was becoming somewhat of a loose canon pushing the King towards towards decisive, certainly, but increasingly reckless actions. He had cultivated few friends in Parliament, was hated by the population and had enemies at Court. It was perhaps the mob outside Whitehall that proved to be the final reason that Pym needed to by-pass the Judicial process in favour of a Bill of Attainder. His execution therefore can be seen as more a matter of maintaining political stability than a failure of the system of justice.
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